The 1990s has been a momentous decade for South Africa. With the era of apartheid ended, a new democratic government is in place, and the country has resumed participation in African and global affairs following years of isolation. The system of apartheid and the liberation struggle that opposed it have affected all aspects of society. While this legacy is not erasable, unprecedented measures are under way to achieve reconciliation and create a new multicultural identity.This article updates the information presented in Social Education's special section on South Africa (February 1995). Readers may want to reflect on changes as well as ponder new issues and prospects in this third "Freedom Year" in South Africa.
Helen Suzman, South Africa's pioneer female liberal parliamentarian, summarized the state of affairs following the 1994 democratic elections:
Today (those) racist laws have been repealed. South Africa is back in the Commonwealth, has regained its seat at the United Nations, has been admitted to the Organization of African Unity. There are no more sports or academic boycotts. The rest of the world has now befriended us; sanctions have ended and generous promises of financial support have been received-a miraculous transition accomplished without a revolution. Nelson Mandela has been transformed from the world's most famous political prisoner into the world's most sought-after head of state. My crystal ball has begun to clear and images of a bright future in the new South Africa have made their appearance.1
Suzman's optimism was shared by millions looking to the promise of a better life embodied in the newly-elected government's Reconstruction and
Development Programme (RDP). But this meant the pressure was on for political leaders to make good on election promises. Pressure also came from the outside world, as it wondered: Is it possible to build a truly multiracial democracy on the ruins of an apartheid state?
So far, the record is cause for great optimism, but for concern and realism as well. Above all, it demonstrates how complex and difficult radical transformation is likely to be. Change on the scale undertaken in South Africa brings with it new dilemmas and sacrifices demanded in the name of overall progress. There are lessons for all of us in the South African experiment, whose universal issues framed in unique historical circumstances may offer insights for other countries struggling with democracy and development.
A New Political Landscape Emerges
Change is occurring in every aspect of life in the wake of apartheid's end and the new development initiatives. Immediately after the 1994 elections, the transitional Government of National Unity (GNU) went to work as a coalition of former enemies, putting a Transitional RDP into effect, and developing a new democratic Constitution modeled after the U. S. Constitution and Bill of Rights. American constitutional law experts
participated in the drafting and refining of the Interim Constitution of 1993; such influences are a powerful incentive for us to consider carefully the birth of democracy in South Africa.
President Nelson Mandela has assumed gargantuan proportions as a leader whose influence extends beyond South African borders. His role has evolved into one sometimes characterized as monarchical, even as he prepares to step down as head of the African National Congress (ANC) at the end of this year. There is much concern over the succession and the need for continuity. Thabo Mbeki, Deputy President, is widely hailed as the most likely successor, and has been operating in an (almost) head of state role in preparation for the transition.
A new population of leaders is in office at all levels. While some members of the old guard remain, many have been replaced or removed. The political leadership includes representatives of all racial and ethnic groups, all political parties, and large numbers of women. Former President F.W. de Klerk has followed a path sometimes compared to that of Mikhael Gorbachev of the former U.S.S.R. in working himself out of a job. It was his release of Nelson Mandela that marked the beginning of the future. In June 1996, he announced the withdrawal of his Nationalist Party (NP) from the Government of National Unity, thus electing the role of an "opposition party" after decades of iron-fisted rule as the only effective power in South Africa.
Adopting the New Constitution
South Africans are learning from scratch how democracy works. Given that the vast majority voted for the first time ever in 1994, the exercise of democratic rights and participation in civil society do not come naturally. For those who have enjoyed these rights (mainly whites), the learning experience is to share rights and protections with members of other races. For the majority, the challenge is to transcend ingrained fears and suspicions of government, and to learn the meaning of democracy and how it works at all levels.
The Constitutional Assembly elected in 1994 was charged with refining the Interim Constitution based on popular input solicited in public meetings around the country. The final version was signed into law by President Mandela on December 10, 1996, and took effect on February 4, 1997. It was more explicit in some stipulations and more restrictive elsewhere (for example, in removing protection of speech that incites race hatred). The creation of this Constitution and its specific features make for many interesting comparisons with the American experience.
The new Constitution was not intended to be a document remote from the people. In April 1997, Constitution Week was observed. In an unprecedented effort to ensure true democracy-in-action, the government distributed millions of copies of the Constitution in a format designed to help all citizens understand their rights, protections, and responsibilities. Copies were printed in each of the eleven official languages: isiZulu, isiXhosa, isiNdebele, SeSotho, SePedi, SeTswana, SiSwati, Tshivenda, XiTsonga, English, and Afrikaans (westernized spellings of the African languages are Zulu, Xhosa, Ndebele, Sotho, Pedi, Tswana, Swazi, Venda, and Tsonga). Supplementary booklets entitled "You and the Constitution," explaining its personal implications, were also distributed. (See the "Teaching Ideas" that accompany this article.)
Free copies of the Constitution were made available in every post office; newspapers and television ran extensive coverage; and popular exposure to the Constitution was promoted in special events in schools and communities. This was a second massive citizen education endeavor in the country's new history; the first was the exhaustive voter education and registration drive that preceeded the 1994 elections.
The Form of Democracy
The Constitution includes a Preamble that speaks to South Africa's painful past and the need to move forward in unity. The document provides the structure and organization for levels of government (national, provincial, and local) and for separation of powers in a legislature, executive, and judiciary. There is a National Legislature or Parliament, a National Executive or Cabinet, and a National Judiciary. The president is chosen by members of the legislature. Constitutional Courts have final say over interpretation of Constitutional provisions and over the constitutionality of legislation. Provincial governments and local or municipal governments (councils) make up the other levels, or spheres. Separate (reserved) and concurrent powers are delineated across these levels.
For the people, the Constitution protects fundamental human rights in an extensive Bill of Rights. It also sets up a series of state institutions with sweeping powers to ensure due process and equitable treatment. These are the Public Protector (hearing complaints about government officials); the Human Rights Commission; the Commission on Gender Equality; and the Commission for Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious, and Linguistic Communities. The Bill of Rights is of particular interest for its mechanisms to transform a formerly exclusionist society into an open and democratic one, and for its huge guarantees of a better life for all South Africans (see "Teaching Ideas").
In the final version of the Constitution, the Bill of Rights was made explicitly "horizontal," meaning that it applies not only to the state's relations with citizens (vertical) but also to relations among citizens. The sweeping provisions speak directly to eradication of racial and other discrimination in all spheres of life, to the extensive commitments made by the new government to provide a better life for all, and to the protection of citizens' rights. South Africans, particularly those formerly disenfranchised, are exploring the boundaries of their rights in all aspects of life. The use of the word "alquot; now has literal meaning after decades of racially qualified use. Billboards exhort people to "learn your rights and exercise them." Labor disputes and mass actions-such as marches and stayaways-staged by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) often extend to education and other sectors, and reflect popular demands for workplace equality and the exercise of Constitutional rights.
The 1996 Constitution also recognises the deep-seated significance of Customary Law for millions of South Africans as part of their traditional culture. There is a need for judicious handling of situations recognised by Customary Law but which conflict with principles in the modern Constitution. In its general provisions, the Constitution does not preclude the right to self-determination of any community with a common culture, language, and history. This means that, within the freedoms of the democratic state, it is possible that all-white or other forms of exclusionary community might emerge or prevail at the local level.
Finally, because the South African Constitution is so new, many of its finer points remain to be tested or worked out. This process is just beginning, as did the process of interpreting the United States Constitution in the years following its creation.
This has become a buzzword in the new South Africa. It refers to a process embedded in the new structure of government and all state institutions, and means the downsizing or collapsing of four racially separated sets of structures and facilities into single nonracial ones. South Africa had one of the most bloated civil services in the world. As education, health, municipal government, and other sectors are rationalized, massive adjustments in personnel are needed along with closure of redundant facilities.
While the new Constitution and governmental structures provide the foundation for reconciliation, the history of apartheid was too severe to allow reconciliation without overt measures. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)-and its three committees on Human Rights Violations, Amnesty, and Reparation and Rehabilitation-were created by Parliamentary Act in December 1995 to achieve catharsis and bury the apartheid past.
The TRC consists of seventeen members appointed by President Mandela, with Archbishop Desmond Tutu as the chairman. It is charged with investigating the period from March 1, 1960 to December 5, 1993 in order to detect past conflicts and human rights violations (especially deaths, tortures, and disappearances). These acts may have been committed by individuals, political parties, or other groups on both sides of the struggle for liberation. Applications for amnesty, mostly by convicted persons but also by many public figures, have been considered in light of both the motivation behind acts and the chain of command that sanctioned them. By the May 10, 1997 deadline, some 8,000 applications for amnesty had been received; more than 9,000 statements had been taken from people as written testimony or in public hearings held in every province; and the TRC had weathered legal challenges and criticisms of being biased in favor of the ANC and against the former regime.
Painful reconstructions of atrocities, dark secrets, and startling revelations played out nightly on the evening news. For many who testified, the hearings were the first opportunity to speak out about past tragedies. The process has sparked debate on the distinction between acts of the apartheid regime and those committed by various groups in the name of a "just war" to topple apartheid. There is also debate over whether or not apartheid was a crime against humanity on a par with atrocities in Nazi Germany, Cambodia, and Bosnia. South Africa chose not to stage a version of the Nuremburg Trials or an International Commission on War Crimes. The majority opinion appears to support President Mandela's observation that amnesty is the price that has to be paid to achieve reconciliation and bury the past.
The work of the TRC is to conclude on December 15, 1997. The TRC and the Amnesty program in South Africa can be viewed as an unprecedented and contextually sensitive response to the need for reconciliation in a public forum. Other measures for reconciliation include peace initiatives that have been implemented in all provinces, most notably in wartorn KwaZulu-Natal between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) in an attempt to end the cycle of violence. Unfortunately, a major threat to successful reconciliation and development lies in the country's current problems with crime and instability.
The Social and Economic Landscape
The 1994 election promises centered on creating a better life for all South Africans as formalized in the Constitution. Signs of a better life are emerging, but other indicators point to a long road ahead. In 1996, South Africa's total population was 41.97 million, consisting of 76.7% Africans, 12.4% whites, 8.4% Coloureds (people of mixed race), and 2.5% Asians.2 The home languages of the population are 22% Zulu, 18% Xhosa, 15% Afrikaans, 10% Northern Sotho, and 9.5% English. (English is rapidly gaining support as the language of choice for its usefulness both internationally and locally.) The population is projected to grow by 54% to 64.65 million by the year 2026-a growth rate of 1.14% compared with 1.86% for Africa as a whole and 0.96% for the world. This pressure creates significant burdens for the new government in meeting its promise to improve life for all citizens.
While measures of prosperity show gains being made by Africans, the most disadvantaged group, whites still enjoy the vast majority of the country's assets. The most recent Human Development Index, a United Nations Development Program (UNDP) measure of socio-economic progress, shows that the status quo of white privilege remains little changed, although non-whites are starting to make gains. African personal disposable income increased 34% between 1985 and 1994, compared with 24% for Coloureds and Asians, and a 2.5% decline for whites. But the white minority still held 48.6% of all personal disposable income, compared to 38.5% for Africans, 8.9% for Coloureds and 4.0% for Asians. Wealth is also concentrated regionally, with Gauteng province the richest.
Overall, South Africa exhibits a median level of development, ranking 100th of the 174 countries measured by the UNDP in 1993.3 By the year 2000, some 65% of the population is expected to be urbanized, compared with 41% for Africa and 51% for the world.4 Literacy rates reveal social inequities, but also the gains made by non-whites, as access to education has increased under the RDP reform initiatives. Overall literacy stood at 61.4% in 1991, increasing to 73.2% by 1995. But despite these gains, there were still 7.5 million illiterate South Africans in 1994.
The population profile has also become more complicated. In February 1996, there were an estimated 2-8 million illegal residents in South Africa as the result of civil war, famine, and declining economic conditions elsewhere in Southern Africa. Another 750,000 workers from Mozambique and Zimbabwe were counted as illegal residents when their work permits expired and they remained in the country. Added to this are smaller numbers of refugees seeking asylum and coming from around the globe.
President Mandela has underscored the difficulty in being too "tough" on illegals from neighboring countries, many of whom gave the ANC succor during the apartheid era. But the issue is contentious. Research reveals that most illegals are economically active and that they do not steal jobs and economic opportunities from legal residents. However, they create a heavy burden on services such as education and healthcare.
The latest White Paper on Population Policy gives top priority to Human Resources Development, including housing, education, jobs, health and welfare, water supply and rural development, urban infrastructure, and migration. Enormous "backlogs" exist in each of these areas as the result of decades of inequitable distribution of resources and services in favor of the white population. Development includes the pressing need to "level the playing field," as is commonly said, reconciling the difference between South Africa's First World and Third World components.
The following are some brief glimpses at different aspects of the development process and the challenges it faces.
The beginnings of progress are evident in the business sector, but remain very modest. Only 10% of market capitalization on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange is black owned. In 1996, whites held 86% of all franchises. On the other hand, in the same year there were 316,350 micro-enterprises employing 476,600 people, the majority African. Vast numbers of street vendors are now found in all cities and along major roads, flea markets and craft markets have proliferated, and free enterprise is flourishing in the absence of restrictions that were part of the old order.
Unemployment in South Africa is high by American standards, standing at 29% in 1995, but at 37% among Africans, and 22% among Coloureds. It is lower for Asians (13%), who retain strong cultural and economic communities, and lowest for whites (6%). The highest unemployment is among African women, 47%; the lowest is for white males, 4%. This situation could worsen without improved economic growth and the creation of some 100,000 jobs a year. South Africa is facing a development dilemma that has plagued many postcolonial states: educational expansion that outpaces job creation, resulting in a problem called the "unemployed school leaver."
The 1995 Labor Relations Act targeted the legacy of inequitable labor practices, and labor-related actions and disputes have come to dominate much of the news. The government imposes a 4% levy on all company payrolls to finance worker training, especially of disadvantaged workers, who are overwhelmingly African and Coloured. Affirmative action is making a rough beginning in South Africa. It draws heavy opposition from supporters of the old status quo, though some innovative companies have installed affirmative action training or related programs ahead of this legislation. What is certain is that importing any foreign version of affirmative action is not realistic for South Africa. Ironically, race classifications previously eliminated were reinstated in 1996 because they were found necessary for any tracking of progress in eliminating racism and sexism.
Economic shifts further complicate the development picture and constrain equity initiatives. For example, the gold mines for which South Africa is famous have been declining in production as a result of an inevitable decline in the reserves. Mine closings and layoffs have affected thousands of mine workers, including large numbers from neighboring countries. This is a prime example of how interdependent the Southern African region is, and of how other countries are affected by developments in South Africa.
With regard to the rural economy, the history of land tenure in South Africa resembles that of Zimbabwe and other former European colonies, where whites owned nearly all prime land and Africans were stripped of ownership. A bevy of laws, including the 1996 Land Reform Act, seeks to reverse this history by providing land and security of tenure for labor tenants and their families. By November 1996, some 2 million hectares of land had been redistributed, restored, or granted. Many new options for ownership are available, including collective ownership, rental, leasehold, and single ownership.
Crime and Instability
Crime is a major problem that compromises development and restrains foreign investment in South Africa. The figures give little comfort. South Africa has a murder rate more than seven times higher than the world average, standing at 45 murders per 100,000 in 1995, compared with 9 in the United States, and 5.5 for the world overall. The frequency of crime is also telling. Police data indicate that, on average, 52 people are murdered daily, a rape occurs every 30 minutes, a car is stolen every 9 minutes, an armed robbery occurs every 11 minutes, and 30 cars and 11 trucks with freight are hijacked daily.5 Child abuse cases soared 63% in the short period from 1993 to 1996. Other criminal activity involves drug trafficking, taxi war violence, and the activities of 481 known crime syndicates. The most severe crime levels are in the populous provinces of Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, and Eastern Cape. The high crime rate is frequently accounted for by socio-economic problems: poverty, unemployment, housing shortages, and the absence of adequate social services.
There are other threats to stability and peace. Several paramilitary groups have not been fully integrated into the new South African National Defense Force (SANDF), leaving many unofficial police and military units operating at will. People's courts-also termed kangaroo courts-operate outside the formal justice system, meting out severe punishment and killings in areas like the sprawling squatter camps, where a formal police presence is absent or sparse.
Vigilante groups such as the People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD) operate independently and sometimes in conflict with the law. Killings by necklacing (igniting a tire placed around a victim's neck) or linked to witchcraft still occur in significant numbers, with the latter often perpetrated in the name of traditional cultural mores. Some forms of violence may reflect a growing public impatience with official efforts to combat crime. On the positive side, political crime has declined by 96% since its peak in 1993, reflecting a relatively more stable political climate by 1995.
In August 1996, President Mandela declared crime to be "out of controquot; during a month when victims included even prominent politicians like Deputy President Mbeki. The government launched a National Crime Prevention strategy to tackle the problem. A related concern is the overcrowding of prisons. Recent debate even focused on the use of prison ships to house some hard-core prisoners. This state of affairs has spawned a thriving security industry, with suburbs taking on a changed appearance of homes and gardens hidden behind high walls and fortified with alarm systems and fierce dogs. South Africa's image abroad is hurt by the crime problem and its perceived risk to visitors.
For the majority of South Africans, living conditions are the most blatant evidence of the legacy of inequity and the magnitude of the development challenge. Adequate housing is one of the country's most pressing needs. In 1996, there were an estimated 2.5 million "formaquot; homeowners and 5.3 million "informaquot; home owners. The distinction refers to homes established and with title versus dwellings or shelters erected without title or in informal settlements (squatter camps).
Surrounding Johannesburg and other cities, on major highways and wherever there is a water supply, are squatter camps housing people who have left depressed rural areas to seek a better life in or near the cities. These are not small settlements; some have more than 300,000 residents who set up house in "shacks" (a local term) made from whatever materials they can find. Crime and lack of services are serious problems in these settlements. Many have been "authorized" after the fact, with the local council installing electricity, portable toilets, and garbage dumpsters.
These sprawling settlements have generated issues similar to those involving illegal immigrants. Their residents have a right to participate in the new society. Most are economically active and generate new trade, but they also place heavy burdens on social services such as health and education. Some established suburbs and communities have mounted strong opposition to "squatter camp children" attending local schools. But while some may view the camps only as trouble, they represent a toehold on a better life for their residents, whose movements are no longer restricted by apartheid policies and who seek the better life promised in the Constitution.
The Reconstruction and Development Programme is working to address this urgent problem, which goes beyond housing to the needs for clean water, electrification, and telephones. The RDP housing budget for 1996-1997 was R1.65 billion, 152% higher than the previous year. RDP housing projects can be seen in all provinces, and there are several mechanisms in place to help families afford housing, with urban areas a priority. Despite real progress, there remains an estimated backlog of 2.5 million units (39.6% of it in Gauteng Province alone), with urban housing needs expected to grow because of the continued influx of people to the cities.
Health and Welfare
In this crucial area of development, the great need is to equalize health care and living conditions for the underserved African majority. One third of the nation's children (some 500,000) are undernourished and vast numbers are unimmunized; almost 13% of the population (some 5 million people) are disabled; and there are serious levels of fatal disease-including tuberculosis, AIDS, and malaria-whose incidence disproportionately affects the African population and is expected to rise dramatically in the coming decade. AIDS, the greatest threat, could afflict one out of every five South Africans by the year 2005.
The goal of the new healthcare reform plan is to provide free health care at primary clinics, and an extensive clinic building program is under way. The RDP has alloted 3.3% of the budget for health needs. But the health care plan has come under fire for ill conception and mismanagement, and the health sector is undergoing rationalization, with large numbers of doctors and nurses taking severance packages.
At the same time, there are serious shortages of healthcare workers in rural and depressed areas. Many nurses, citing poor pay and working conditions, have left the country for more lucrative posts in the Middle East. Meanwhile, the government is bringing in foreign doctors-292 Cuban physicians in 1997 as one example-in an attempt to fill the rural health gap. Patients have to wait up to two years for surgery at Johannesburg's major hospitals; again, the underprivileged suffer most as wealthier citizens go to private hospitals, whose number is growing rapidly.
Water supply and sanitation are other pressing needs in both rural and urban areas. RDP water supply projects have reached some 1.7 million people, with another 7.8 million people waiting for access. With the predicted growth in population, the number of people estimated to need clean water will rise to 20 million by 2000, and to 25 million by 2020. Consequently, much of the recent progress fits into the two-steps-forward-one-step-backward dilemma so familiar in developing nations.
Education and Culture
It was the enormous inequities in South Africa's schools that sparked many of the key events in the liberation struggle.6 While the education system is making great strides, significant problems beleaguer these attempts at reform. South Africa has combined its four racially separate systems into one multiethnic system with vastly expanded access and modest integration (largely of non-whites into formerly all-white schools and private schools). Curriculum reform involves the establishment of a National Qualifications Framework that sets priorities and is outcome-based and heavily influenced by the American model. The priority subjects are mathematics, science, technology, English, and indigenous languages.
Social studies (known locally as Integrated Studies) is seen as a vehicle for interdisciplinary study promoting multiculturalism and development. However, the lack of priority accorded it raises questions about how to maintain the importance of various disciplines within the social studies. One of these questions is addressed by S. E. Mphaphuli in an accompanying article in this issue of Social Education (pp. 406-408).
The importance of the social studies in the achievement of national unity seems implicit in other government efforts to overhaul the white-dominated cultural landscape of the past. A National Heritage Council has been charged with reassessing the nation's cultural symbols, a National Monuments Division is revising the list of national treasures to include all cultural traditions, and a National Place Names Committee is creating an inventory of place names with a view toward acknowledging all important leaders and cultural legacies. In these endeavors, South Africa is following in the footsteps of other postcolonial African states.
The ultimate goal is for the whole school curriculum to be Africanized, making the language issue a central concern at all levels of education. In keeping with the Constitution, mother tongue instruction is a right of all students. Many colleges are struggling to meet this need by supporting faculties to teach in all of the official African languages, as well as English and Afrikaans. In schools, change has been more modest. Gradually, formerly white schools are adding Zulu or other indigenous language courses, while much of the instruction in African schools is a mixture of English, Afrikaans, and indigenous languages. As a sign of the times, Afrikaans-the language of the apartheid regime-is no longer a compulsory school subject.
The government is allotting 20% of the total budget to education, a hefty share in keeping with efforts by other postcolonial states in the region when faced with the same challenges. Some shift of funds away from richer to poorer provinces may be reflected in recent progress in access to education. In the period from 1985 to 1993, primary enrollments climbed by 31% and secondary enrollments by 98%, while enrollments at teacher education institutions grew by 81%. These gains are overwhelmingly in the African population. But continued imbalances reflect the difficulty in radically overhauling such a complex and segregated system as that created by apartheid.
Although the overall level of violence in schools has been dramatically reduced since the years of struggle for liberation, public schools-and particularly those in the African townships-suffer from chronic shortages of materials, low motivation, high rates of absenteeism, and frequent disruption. There has been a large growth in private schools, from 29 in 1995 to 97 in 1996, in response to concerns about the collapse of what is called the "climate of teaching and learning" and a perceived decline in standards in public schools.
Backlogs plague most former African schools, which-although officially integrated into the larger system-remain totally African in enrollments and staffing. There is a need for 65,000 new classrooms (35,000 in Northern Province alone) for existing students and 800,000 more children aged 6-16 who are not in school. While the teaching force is being rationalized (there was an excess of 35,000 teachers in 1995), schools in disadvantaged and remote areas are experiencing a dire shortage. Approximately 100 teachers from Ghana and Liberia are currently working in rural KwaZulu-Natal schools where local teachers refused to go. Meanwhile, teachers who resist assignments to disadvantaged schools risk accusations of racism.
An overall climate of uncertainty-even inertia-grips the education system at present. Teachers' fears about job security combine with trepidation over the new curriculum and other initiatives that might lack adequate support or materials. Teacher professionalism is another thorny issue. Education Minister Bengu has criticised many teachers for lacking professionalism as evidenced by chronic absences, reporting late for duty, and failing to serve as good role models. Gang violence and lost school days compound the problem; many African schools are in session only 100 out of a possible 195 school days.
The current reform initiatives have elicited criticism that the government is trying to push reforms through before the 1999 general election. But these concerns belie the need for decisive action.
The immense problems that lie before the country should not obscure the unprecedented gains being made on behalf of the African population. Rather, they should spur even stronger efforts, if South Africa is to achieve the racial equality and harmony so ardently set forth in its new Constitution.
1. Helen Suzman, In No Uncertain Terms (London: Mandarian Books, 1994), 339.
2. South African Institute of Race Relations, South Africa Survey 1996-1997 (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1997), 910. This and other data cited in this article are extracted from sections of the Survey, which offers a comprehensive report of all statistical sources, including the World Bank, the Development Bank of Southern Africa, UNESCO, and a variety of South African official and media-based sources.
3. United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Index 1993 (SAIRR Survey)
4. Development Bank of Southern Africa, 1997, SAIRR Survey, 1.
5. SA Police Service, 1996, SAIRR Survey, 58.
6. National Council for the Social Studies, Social Education, "Teaching About the New South Africa" (February 1995).
Diane L. Brook is a professor at the University of Georgia, Athens, in the College of Education. She is also a member of the University's African Studies faculty.
Brook, D.L. " From Exclusion to Inclusion: Racial Politics and Educational Reform in South Africa." Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 27, 2 (1996): 204-231.
----- "Teaching about the New South Africa: A Framework for Geographic Literacy." Geographic Insights 5, 3 (1995): 22-30.
----- "Racism, Violence, and the Liberation Struggle: The Impact on South African Education." In C. Wulf and B. Diekman, eds., Violence: Racism, Nationalism, Xenophobia. European Studies in Education. New York/Munster: Waxmann Publishing, 1997. 315-328.
Brook, D.L., S. Field, and L. D. Labbo, "South Africa's Transformation as Seen at School." Social Education, 59, 2 (1995): 82-86.
----- "The Peaceful Revolution: Some Teaching Resources." Social Education 59, 2 (1995): 87-89.
Brook, D.L., L. D. Labbo, and S. Field. "No Easy Road to Freedom: The New South Africa." Social Education 59, 2 (1995): 1-8.
Labbo, L.D., S. Field, and D. L. Brook, "Safari Sojourns: Exploring South Africa Using the New Geography Standards." Social Studies and the Young Learner 8, 2 (1995), 8-12.
Author's Note: Many of the observations in this article are drawn from the author's fieldwork and experiences in South Africa and substantiated by the issues and data extracted from the SAIRR Survey 1997.